In the wake of the violent school attacks witnessed in Brazil recently, we once again witnessed the clash between opportunists and moralists seeking an easy scapegoat in videogames, while members of the gaming community and influencers defended their favorite games with fervor but little nuance. To put the seal on it, President Lula delivered yet another disastrous statement, this time taking the side of shallow moralism and blaming games for the violence spreading among Brazilian youth. Few were those who addressed the discussion critically and in depth — and those who did tend to have less visibility than more bombastic rhetoric. My objective here is to push the discussion a little further.
The moral panic into which the president inserted himself is interesting — and concerning — because it permeates both conservative and progressive discourse, but is clearly stronger within certain generational groups who did not grow up with videogames at hand. The argument is nothing new: this strange new medium that we neither know nor care to understand is violent, crude, dangerous, and must be regulated with a firm hand.
On the other side, videogame fans oppose this framing — but more interestingly, they defend videogames as vehicles for diverse learning, social connection, and unique experiences. We must also remember how games have increasingly been used in business and marketing contexts through gamification: using game elements in non-game environments, gamified actions promise — and sometimes deliver — brand engagement, increased sales, behavior change, team integration, and more. If games are capable of positively influencing people's behavior, social interactions, and even teaching, why not negatively?
Or rather: if videogames can be used for good, why not for evil?
The simple answer would be that they can obviously serve distinct purposes and generate opposing outcomes depending on their content. But as with all simple answers, it also relativizes the medium to the point of undermining any critical analysis of the subject. Moreover, much of the extremism and violence fostered within gaming communities stems more from the groups that form around games — their cultures and practices — than from the games themselves.
Affordance Theory
A lens I believe capable of analyzing complex cultural and technological objects like videogames is Affordance Theory. Coined within environmental psychology, affordances can be understood as the possibilities for action that an environment delimits for a given individual (Gibson, 2014). Beyond its original field, in human-technology interaction studies, an affordance is a material attribute that frames human behavior (Hutchby, 2001). Rather than understanding technological and media objects as determiners of our behavior in relation to them, we analyze their material qualities as requesting, demanding, encouraging, discouraging, refusing, or permitting a certain range of actions (Davis & Chouinard, 2016). Beyond that, affordances are often also constructed through social relations (Schmidt, 2007), as well as through our imagination (Nagy & Neff, 2015).
Undertale and the Possibility of Non-Violence
A practical example, within the universe of games and in relation to violence, can be found in the huge indie hit Undertale (2015). In every single combat encounter in this game, the player can either fight and defeat enemies or talk with them and end the encounter without landing a single attack. The possibility is given to the player, who then acts upon it. The mechanic goes beyond battles and affects the game's narrative: as the player builds friendships, they can unlock a secret ending. The game's subversion of the player-enemy relationship typical of classic RPGs makes it not only unique and interesting — since many players may not expect dialogue to be an available action (imagined affordances, or the lack thereof) — but also elucidates the capacity of games to offer multiple possibilities for action around violence.
We cannot, however, relativize games to the extreme, attributing to them a purely neutral position of available possibilities that distinct players interpret and act upon at will. The framing of possibilities for action can be implemented with different weights — and this is always by design. In Undertale, for example, while it is difficult to end combat using dialogue alone (it requires skill from the player), the reward for playing that way is enormously valuable. So the game does not merely give the possibility — it actively encourages it. Likewise, violent games can encourage players to approach their violence in either an alienating or a critical way.
Nier and Structured Complicity
In Nier (2010) — re-released as a remaster, Nier: Replicant ver. 1.22474487139…, in 2021 — the player spends the first half of the game annihilating hundreds of shades: monsters made of dark smoke. Beyond being the standard enemies of the game, the main character harbors an enormous hatred for the shades and blames them for the ills afflicting the post-apocalyptic world. It is only at the midpoint that the player discovers these shades are actually the lost souls of humans — and that the protagonists themselves are Replicants, something between cyborgs and homunculi, whose bodies were meant to serve as vessels for these human souls but ended up developing their own consciousness. The discovery, however, belongs only to the player and not to the character, so the game continues to force the player to keep killing shades — human souls — regardless.
Through violence, the game attempts to evoke reflections and feelings far removed from hatred. As creator Yoko Taro himself has explained, the Nier series aims to show how armed conflicts rooted in hatred often originate from a failure to recognize the other and from the absence of communication between groups in conflict. While other media have also addressed this theme, the videogame offers a unique opportunity to place the player in control of the character in combat — yet without enough control to prevent the violence from continuing. It is not merely watching hatred corrode a character and a bloody story unfold; it is being in command of that character while being powerless to stop the killing.
Both examples are, obviously, implementations of mechanics and narratives that use violence to critique it — but not all games work this way. To move beyond both the view that videogames determine behavior and the shallow relativism that games can be interpreted in infinite ways, we must understand that technological and media objects are consumed through an agentive negotiation between individual and object. On one side, the game frames the possibilities for action in different ways and with varying intensity; on the other, players act on those games through their own interpretations, imaginations, and objectives. The fostering — direct or indirect, intrusive or not — of certain behaviors and relationships within a game is the game's responsibility; the enacting of those behaviors is the player's.
We have long known about the spread of hatred, misogyny, racism, and other ills within gaming communities — but it is crucial to understand whether the role of games lies in the ideologies disseminated by these communities, or simply as a conduit for the relations between these individuals. Videogames are, after all, powerful means through which individuals connect and communicate. But so are social networks like Twitter, which refuses to take action while communicating via poop emojis. If that is the case, are games the problem — or are they the medium through which the problem proliferates, just like other media and technologies? And if so, what is the real problem that the moral panic around games conceals beneath its reductive rhetoric? I cannot say for certain, but I have reflected recently in this same blog on related subjects that, even if slightly distant, may point toward an answer.
References
- Davis, J. L., & Chouinard, J. B. (2016). Theorizing Affordances: From Request to Refuse. Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society, 36(4), 241–248.
- Gibson, J. J. (2014). The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception: Classic Edition. Psychology Press.
- Hutchby, I. (2001). Technologies, Texts and Affordances. Sociology, 35(2), 441–456.
- Nagy, P., & Neff, G. (2015). Imagined Affordance: Reconstructing a Keyword for Communication Theory. Social Media + Society, 1(2).
- Schmidt, R. C. (2007). Scaffolds for Social Meaning. Ecological Psychology, 19(2), 137–151.
// Note: This is a translated and lightly adapted version of the original Portuguese text. The author will review and revise this translation.